Hosni Mubarak is in hospital with a suspected heart attack; when he gets out, he could be hanged, and his sons are currently in prison. Nick Meo charts the dramatic downfall of Egypt's former first family.
The first shock for the sons of Egypt's former president when they arrived at Cairo's notorious Tora prison, looking dazed according to witnesses, was having their mobile phones taken away.
Then guards thrust rough regulation uniforms into their soft, manicured hands, and led them away to their cells.
The nation they had lorded over for decades, and allegedly plundered on an epic scale, could hardly believe it was seeing the humiliation of Gamal and Alaa Mubarak.
Few Egyptians were more surprised than Wael Khalil, a pro-democracy activist who had been thrown into Tora prison by the regime of their father, Hosni Mubarak.
"Their arrest is a symbol of the triumph of the revolution and the undoing of the old regime," said Mr Khalil, who during his stay was given just slops to eat and had to sleep on the floor.
"But for me it brought back all my memories of that prison - the anxieties, the fear, not to mention the awful food, the rough guards and sleepless nights.
"If anyone deserves to be sent there they do. But to tell you the truth I wouldn't wish it on my worst enemy."
The pair, two of Egypt's biggest businessmen, were arrested last week on corruption charges and sent to the high-security prison, a collection of sun-baked, H-shaped blocks in a bleak suburb of the capital. Egyptians had believed the two were untouchable.
Gamal, 47, had been expected to succeed his father Hosni, president for 30 years until he was toppled in February.
In recent years, Gamal was considered the real power behind his ailing father, who is 82 and believed to be dying from cancer.
His brother Alaa had a less prominent rule in running Egypt, but amassed a vast fortune with apparently minimal entrepreneurial ability.
It was delicious twist of irony that the pair were sent to Tora, long notorious as the place where the Mubarak regime dispatched its political enemies to rot.
Many other stalwarts of the fallen regime are aready locked up there, in the wing for political prisoners called El Mazraa (The Farm).
Since February's revolution, so many former ministers and their business cronies have been sent there that they have formed a prison football team – made up of men who were the most powerful political players in Egypt only a few months ago.
Hosni Mubarak only stayed out of jail because of a minor heart attack suffered as the prosecutor questioned him.
Not only was he charged with corruption on an epic, multi-billion dollar scale, he is accused of involvement in the deaths of protesters, an estimated 800 of whom were killed as his thugs attacked them during the 18 days of protests which toppled his regime.
As the scale of the killing during the protests has become clearer, public opinion has shifted overwhelmingly against him. He could now even face the hangman's noose, said prosecutors last week.
It is also something of a shock for the young protesters who filled Tahrir Square in February to campaign for his downfall.
Most had assumed that their former president would spend a quiet retirement at his villa in the seaside resort of Sharm El Sheikh, and his sons would be allowed to enjoy their money.
Few ever really expected to see Mr Mubarak and his family under arrest, let alone facing serious charges, which could carry 25 year prison sentences for the corruption allegations alone.
"Hosni Mubarak was a thief, he ruined all our lives, killed our friends and stole our money," said a protester in the square on Friday, where a hard-core of activists still gather every week. "I want to see him hanged."
Even Egyptians who once admired Mr Mubarak have been appalled at the claims about the family's epic corruption that have come out in the new atmosphere of openness since their downfall.
The family allegedly had lucrative interests in Egypt's oil and gas sector, demanded giant bribes to allow companies to make deals in the nation's growing economy, and even made millions out of insider share dealing.
Hossam Isa, a lawyer who is head of a committee trying to track down the Mubarak fortune, said: "His sons are bandits and their place is in prison. One big businessman told me that Alaa was paid six per cent to give his approval for deals."
Mr Isa's committee believes the Mubarak family sent billions abroad, and he fears that they have used the weeks since their downfall to move much of it from accounts in Europe and Britain to Saudi Arabia, where it cannot be recovered. "Egypt needs this money to rebuild the country," he said.
Some Egyptian commentators believe another reason why the prosecutor moved against the family is that they broke a secret deal they had with the army, Egypt's new rulers. When President Mubarak left office, he agreed to stay out of politics and spend a quiet retirement at his villa in Sharm El-Sheikh, according to this theory.
But instead, amid reports that his sons had again been paying thugs to attack protesters, he could not help interfering in politics again - in particular with an ill-timed audio broadcast he made exactly a week ago on the Saudi Al-Arabiya satellite channel.
The former president sealed his own fate by issuing a video recording insisting that he was completely innocent of any wrongdoing. Its tone was self-justifying and defiant, and he threatened to sue his accusers.
But it was a terrible misjudgement of the mood of the Egyptian public, who had been gathering again in Tahrir Square to demand that he face prosecution.
Half an hour after the broadcast, they got their wish, as Egypt's new authorities - anxious to head off further unrest - announced that Mr Mubarak would be questioned.
Dr Emad Gad, a political expert from the Al Ahram Centre for Political and Strategic Studies, said: "When he stepped down the Supreme Military Council gave him guarantees that they would protect him and his family and not allow them to be investigated, if he stayed out of politics.
"I think Gamal broke that understanding and started to meddle again. They were planning a counter-revolution and trying to cause chaos."
Dr Gad believes Gamal made most of the disastrous decisions that hastened his father's downfall. "Since January 25th they have made one mistake after another," he said.
Now Egyptians expect even more shocking revelations about the family who ruled them for decades.
Nobody is quite sure exactly how much illicit money Hosni Mubarak really has, but as investigators gather more information estimates keep rising all the time.
A fortune of about $5 billion seems widely accepted, but one claim puts it as high as $700 billion. Ordinary Egyptians, two out of five of whom live off $2 a day, are furious. They blame the Mubaraks for the poor state of infrastructure and the growing divisions between rich and poor.
The family's role in maintaining the vicious police state under which thousands were unfairly imprisoned and tortured is also coming under fresh scrutiny, as is the question of whether they played any part in episodes like the bombing of a church in January which left dozens dead. The Mubarak regime is widely believed to have tried to foment strife between Christians and Muslims in order to divide and rule.
The future for the once-mighty family now looks bleak. The two brothers will appear before a Cairo court on Tuesday, and Gamal's wife has reportedly left him.
Their father may eventually appear in the dock alongside them, if his health recovers. Last week thousands of protesters gathered to chant slogans against him as he lay in hospital in Sharm El-Sheikh, recovering from his mild heart attack - which many regarded as suspiciously convenient.
He is likely to die in a military hospital before justice catches up with him. Getting him to trial may take a couple of years, and so hanging looks unlikely even if he is convicted on a capital offence.
It may fall to his sons to bear the brunt of Egyptian anger at years of corruption and misrule. Even with the best lawyers money can buy, they are expected to spend ten to 15 years in the prisons where they once sent their political enemies.
Additional reporting by Alistair Beach in Cairo